Chapter Three

                                                A Wide and Deep Respect

 

Although just across the river from Arkansas, Mississippi in the 1850s “was crowded with well-educated, ambitious young men, who might and would win, but who would have to wait a very long time for their laurels”. Such was the situation for Thomas Carmichael Hindman Jr. Born in Knoxville, Tennessee, he was the fifth child and second son of Thomas and Sallie Hindman. (1)

                According to legend, Thomas Sr. had been the first white male born in Knoxville in 1793. If this is true, it correlates well with his later work as sub-agent to the Cherokee Nation, effected by President James Monroe. Because of his honest dealings as a merchant, Hindman earned the confidence of the Indians. He was away from his family quite frequently on trips to Washington D.C. and when the Cherokees were forced west of the Mississippi on the infamous Trail of Tears.

                A successful businessman, Thomas Sr. was able to provide much more for his family than was considered necessary at that time; The youngest child, Mildred recalled that “everything Mother and the family wanted, we got”. Thomas Jr., along with his cousins John and Robert Ross, were sent to the Lawrenceville Classical Institute in New Jersey. (2)

Founded in 1808, the institute was the third oldest in the country and held a renown for preparing boys for collage in the classics. Like Patrick’s school in Ireland, the students held strictly regimented lives; the students were taught to learn by heart not only classical languages like Latin and Greek, but also mathematical formulas and English grammar. After rising at six o’clock in the summertime or seven o’clock in the winter, the students, “neat, clean, and somber-suited” attended chapel where they recited scripture and then closed with a Hymn. (3)

As a renown school of the classics, a great emphasis was placed on oratory and debate. The debates between students of opposing sides often became rather animated. Current issues were argued; topics concerning the abolitionists’ radical crusades were discussed and “fearful fights” sometimes ensued between “hot headed southern boys” and their New England counterparts. In 1843, Hindman graduated from the school, as class salutatorian. Noted for his almost mesmerizing oratory skills, he delivered a speech entitled “The Ruins of Time” at the graduation ceremony. (4)  

When he arrived back home in Mississippi after a brief stay with relatives in New York, Hindman began to study law under local attorney, Orlando Davis. Not long after this, the Mexican War broke out. Mississippi’s call to arms requested for one regiment of infantry or rifleman; this quota was quickly filled and these were sent to Vicksburg and then on to Mexico. Led by future governor John Quitman, the First Mississippi Rifles gained fame during the Battle of Monterey and the attack on Mexico City, where they stormed the Belen gate and planted the first United States flag in the capital.       

As for Hindman and hundreds of other disappointed men, their units were left behind at the first call to arms. Governor Brown, expecting President Polk to request for at least two infantry regiments, perhaps a cavalry regiment as well, called for such. But such was not the case. When Brown learned that Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island had failed to reach their quota of men, on the objection that a successful campaign in Mexico would result in the furtherance of the ‘slave states’, he wrote to the secretary of war, offering to fill the deficit with ready and willing men from his state. In a response to this and the need for additional troops, President Polk issued a second call to arms in November of 1846.

Hindman, along with others who had been turned down the first time, eagerly enlisted. Unfortunately for the Second Mississippi Rifles the fame, which other men from their state had obtained in the war, seemed to elude them. At Camp McClung, three miles north of Vicksburg, the Second drilled and organized in unseasonably warm weather. At night, though, high winds and hail destroyed their tents and rain fell in torrents, muddying the camp and freezing the men. By the time they left Camp McClung, many of the men had colds, flu, and pneumonia.

                After a brief stay on the old battleground in New Orleans, in which eighty men went home due to poor health, the Second Mississippi Rifles began their voyage to war. On this long and tedious trip, twenty-eight men never reached Mexico and died in the cramped damp quarters of the ship. After arriving at Monterey, following a three day march with little water from the mouth of the Rio Grande at Matamoras, the regiment was again plagued by poor health. Although not a shot had been fired, its ranks were thinned, its men discouraged, and illness abounded. Thomas Hindman was fortunate enough to escape the ladder, his brother Robert’s bout with small pox resulted in a medical discharge of duty on April 23, 1847.             

                Although Hindman partook in pursuing occasional “guerillosos”, his main occupation was assigned to him on March 25, 1848 as acting adjutant to a detachment at Mazafil. His fine penmanship earned him promotion to post adjutant the following month and terminated at the close of the war in May. Upon returning home, the Second was regarded as heroes was were given a barbecue in their honor at Fort Adams. As for Thomas, he resumed his study of law under Orlando Davis and was admitted to the bar in 1851.

                From here, Hindman became involved in politics and became a member of the Mississippi’s State Legislature in 1853, representing Tippah County. An ardent supporter of state’s rights, Hindman was among the aspiring politicians who Jefferson Davis enlisted to establish leaders of the State Rights Democrat party. Hindman also supported Davis in an 1851 bid for governorship. Although Davis lost to Henry Foote, a Union Democrat, by less than one thousand votes, Hindman’s canvassing in northern Mississippi in favor of Davis made him known to the people and helped him win the previously-referred to  seat in the House of Representatives.

                Still, with the long list of big names in Mississippi politics, Hindman appeared to be but a mere footnote. Therefore, when the legislature adjourned in March 1854, Hindman said good-by and crossed the river into Helena, Arkansas, hoping to make his mark in the world. If quick recognition is what he had in mind, Hindman would not have to wait long.

               

 

Helena, Arkansas, was the sight for a large Independence Day celebration in 1854. Hundreds gathered just outside of town for patriotic speeches from local politicians, the breaking of ground ceremony for the new Midland Railroad, and plenty of barbecue. Following a passionate speech by Senator Sebastian about the Fourth of July, Jason Alcorn mounted the podium. Alcorn, a member of the Whig party, was considered to be the leading politician in Mississippi at that time. In his speech, he mentioned his party, complementing them much to the democrat’s chagrin. A friend of Dr. Nash’s, Mr. Hewson, leaned over to him after Alcorn’s speech and told him about hearing Thomas C. Hindman in Mississippi once. Knowing that Hindman was present at the celebration, Hewson suggested that Nash and other democrats call for him to speak. At this, a coordinated call for “Hindman! Hindman!” arose from the crowd, to which Hindman arose, bowed, and took the stand. In what developed into a two hour speech, Hindman delivered so many  thrusting remarks that the Whigs present began to show some restlessness. He would have stopped sooner, but whenever it appeared he was about to do so, the democrats in the crowd cried for him to continue. At last, Alcorn interrupted and offered that they adjourn and meet later in the courthouse for a formal debate. Hindman consented to his proposal, adding that he would meet Alcorn “anywhere and debate you from Monday morning until Saturday night”. (5)                 

                The following evening, several men gathered outside of Fadley’s Hotel to discuss the previous night’s debate. About this time Hindman, who was staying at Fadley’s, came out of the hotel and towards the group. A young lawyer David Badham, noticing Hindman’s presence, began to vocally compliment Alcorn’s performance at the debate. Hindman replied to Badham’s comment in an excited manner, to which he jumped towards Hindman with an insult. Hindman grabbed Badham, but the potential altercation was stopped by a bystander. Badham unwrinkled his clothes and gladly left the group. He knew he was no match for Hindman in a fist fight, therefore, thinking of dueling pistols, he sent Hindman a challenge through his friend, Mark Alexander. If Badham had hoped that a formal duel of ten paces would settle the dispute civilly, he was shocked when Alexander returned with Hindman’s reply. He had accepted the challenge and had chosen the place as Tunica county, Mississippi, the time 12 midnight, and the weapon as bowie knives. Hindman further specified that each “was to hold in his right hand a knife, and the left was to be tied close to the body”. (6) 

                Cleburne first heard of the dispute through Badham’s friend Mark Alexander, of Hanly & Alexander. During his studies, Cleburne had withdrawn much from his social activities to devote his time to law. This is perhaps why he had not heard of the fight until now. From Alexander’s description, Cleburne remarked that it sounded brutal and unfair for Badham.

Cleburne, like his law associate, considered himself a Whig; notwithstanding the paradox that an ‘Irish Whig’ presented. But then again, he was not an ‘Irish Catholic” either. It is said that during his brief stay in Cincinnati, Cleburne’s brother William had become acquainted with some local Whigs. From their talks concerning politics, William had become convinced that “the whig party was made up of intelligent, wealthy gentlemen, and that the democratic party was composed of the lower and ignorant people”, much like it was in Ireland. Patrick, always somewhat apathetic towards politics, did not question these views when he moved down South., but merely accepted them. (7)

However, Cleburne had a few democratic law associates also. One was James Crary of Tennessee. In his lengthy law studies, Cleburne would often inquired of Crary if a problem arose. About this time, Crary had gotten into a duel with Hoggett Clopton, the son of a rich and respected planter, over a small disagreement. In the subsequent duel or rather ambush, Crary was shot in the arm after the fifth discharge from Clopton’s pistol. For awhile, it appeared that Crary would loose the arm, but Dr. Nash managed to save it. A short time following the fight, Crary and Clopton became good friends. This incidence is perhaps another reason why Cleburne objected so loudly to a duel between Hindman and Badham. In a letter to his mother, Cleburne wrote that:

 

In this part of the world, local or individual attachments hang on a very slender thread and in breaking give but a momentary jar. Death, even in its more revolting forms, is an every day common place occurrence on this great highway, the Mississippi River. It is looked lightly on by this busy people, who regard it as by no means the greatest evil. (8)         

 

Hoping to avoid bloodshed between either party, Cleburne visited an influential acquaintance of his, Gideon Pillow. Pillow, a wealthy Whig, owned a large plantation not far from Helena. He had considered going to see Hindman, whom he had previously met, and if possible, talk him out of the fight. In the end, Cleburne and Pillow were able to resolve the issue, without the loss of honor from either party. Nash never heard the specifics of how this was accomplished, but stated that in “this incidence Hindman met his full match in bravery” from Cleburne. (9)

Nash wrote, concerning Cleburne and Hindman, that there “was never two men more dissimilar”. Cleburne was about six feet tall and, in his own words, never weighed over 148 lbs, and had grey eyes and dark brown hair. Hindman was barely five feet tall, always well dressed, had blue-gray eyes and kept his hair greased back. As for personalities, “Hindman was an ambitious politician, rather overbearing in expression, and self-sufficient and self-controlling, uncompromising in every thing, while Cleburne was docile, had no ambition to become a leader in any calling, never became a candidate for any office, was always conservative in his views and fair and honorable in his debates; his social qualities were of the highest order, and his big heart took in sympathy enough to divide with the weak and distressed”. The only apparent similarity was their participation in the Sons of Temperance. In December 1853, Cleburne delivered an address during the first anniversary of the Helena Division of that organization. In response, a few months later, Philips County voters petitioned the passage of a special act, “prohibiting the sale of vinous and spirituous liquors in less quantity that one quart” to the state legislators. In Mississippi, Hindman had helped to organize the society’s 1852 Christmas celebration at a local Presbyterian church, in which he delivered a speech and the choir sang a song which he had composed for that occasion:

 

They who fill the mad’ning bowl,--

Feed on tear-washed fruits of toil,--

Mock at hapless orphans’ wail

And widows’ misery….

Sons of Temperance! Let’s unite

‘Ainst the wrong and for the right;

Dauntless, let us wage the fight

And battle ceaselessly! (10)

 

Although he held no office at this time, Hindman quickly became a well recognized figure for the Democrats throughout the summer legislative canvass, where he often spoke following the candidates’ speeches. Whig newspapers lamented that Hindman was a Democrat, while newspapers like the Democratic Star enthusiastically predicted that Hindman would soon bear “aloft our banner to victory”. Following his canvass tours that summer, Hindman traveled to Little Rock to promote Helena’s railroad interests, in particular the Arkansas Midland Railroad. On the whole, the legislative members were impressed with Hindman’s “self-confidence and intellect”. (11)    

Cleburne often broke the monotony of his law studies over the cold winter months by going duck hunting in the local bayous and ponds. He was coming along with his studies well, but another year of it would be necessary in order to pass the arduous law examine. But the new year of 1855 brought bright prospects to Patrick Cleburne. On February 16, by order of the state Circuit Court, he became a naturalized citizen of these United States of America. Of his new home, Cleburne wrote, “I have some really kind and disinterested friends here and on the whole I like the place and the people very much, and to leave now would be like leaving a second home.” (12)

Unlike Cleburne, the new year began rather turbulently for Hindman. While in Little Rock, a Dr. Moon and a man named Wilson confronted Hindman in a hotel on January 18 with a cocked pistol. Apparently, Hindman had had no former problems with the two, and denounced them as “cowardly and assassins” for threatening an unarmed man. The following night, while lobbying in the House of Representatives, Dr. Moon and Wilson again confronted Hindman. In response to a drawn revolver from Wilson, Hindman drew his derringer from his pocket and fired. The bullet glanced off Moon’s belt buckle and entered his arm. Hindman leveled another pistol towards Wilson, whom had taken cover behind a desk following the first shot. Suddenly, an unruly mob rushed in, advancing towards Hindman and shouting “kill him”. Hindman quickly retreated towards the Speaker’s stand, announcing that he would surrender himself to the lawful authorities. Although he was released after posting a two thousand dollar bond, Hindman had to attend trial in June, at which he was cleared of all charges. The incident only raised the Democrats’ opinion of Hindman, whom they considered had acted as “prudently as any reasonable man could under the circumstances”. (13)

That spring, in response to a growing political factor in eastern Arkansas known as the Know-Nothings, the Phillips County Democratic Association was formed. Cleburne, who felt threatened by the Know-Nothings’ almost fanatical opposition to immigrates, especially the Irish, was among the eighty-four signers of the association’s constitution and was later voted in as secretary in August along with the election of Senator Sebastian as president.

The Know-Nothing Party, or American Party as they preferred to be called, dated back to the 1840s, but was not a major political factor until the dissolve of the Whig Party over the Kansas-Nebraska Act, in which Northern Whigs opposed the proposed act by a Democrat Senator from Illinois, Stephen A. Douglas. The break-up of the party resulted in its former members joining other parties, such as the Know-Nothings and Republicans.

In February 1855, leaders of the party met in Philadelphia and decided “that the organization had no future in the South unless it committed itself to a platform plank asserting that Congress had no authority to legislate on the question of slavery”. With this in mind, Albert Pike, a native of Massachusetts and former Whig, went to Arkansas to sponsor public rallies for the new party. Dr. Nash noted that “many acrimonious speeches were made” and that the “political spirit ran so high at this time that it had invaded every household in the country. It was father against son and mother against daughter. Politics was a personal matter.” (14)

An example of this occurred one night in 1856, when Nash invited Cleburne and Major Andrew Jackson Donaldson over to his house for supper. Donaldson was a wealthy man who had a plantation about twenty miles from Helena in Mississippi and was running for vice president that year on the Know-Nothing ticket. Although neither Nash or his wife particularly liked the major (Mrs. Nash later referred to him as “an old Kentucky hog driver”), Nash had relatives in Tennessee who were great admirers of him. Nash wrote that while eating the  “downright good dinner” prepared by Mrs. Nash, Donaldson began to praise the principles of the American Party. Cleburne, feeling threatened by his anti-Irish remarks, replied, “Major, are you not mistaken in the name? They call themselves ‘know nothings,’ which we in Arkansas think very appropriate, since at the next election we will teach them how little they do know.” At this, Donaldson “replied in one of his forcible but rough ways and, speaking to a foreigner, rather personal”. However, Cleburne did not “give way to his Irish temper” and the dinner was ended peaceably with unfriendly handshakes. (15)

As far as Thomas Hindman was concerned, the Know Nothings were:

 

“pestilent fanatics” who closed their doors to foreign born “friends of the South”, while opening them to “anti-slavery fanatics and their Southern sympathizers.” “The bitterest of all abolitionists” were Northern Know Nothings whose “hostility to immigration” was “as notorious” as it was “relentless.” “All friends of the South” mush oppose these “unscrupulous demagogues and political preachers” who had “banded together” in an anti-Catholic crusade that threatened religious liberty. Hindman determined to crush the Know Nothing monster, with its secret pass words, oaths, and hand clasps, before it could seriously imperil Democratic hegemony in Arkansas.

 

Although the movement made less progress in Arkansas than in other Southern states, and what progress was made usually occurred in the larger cities and towns among the merchants and commercial men, the members of the Phillips County Democratic Association were spurred to action throughout the summer and into the fall with a series of mass meetings across the northern part of the state. (16) 

At every meeting, prominent democrats like Hindman and Sebastian, as well as lesser-known speakers like Crary and Cleburne, addressed the large crowds and closed with free barbecue for everyone. At one meeting in Marianna, Cleburne delivered a speech which was described thus to a Helena newspaper:       

 

The platform was erected under a delightful shade, made by interlaced vines…The ladies were in attendance, and their bright eyes and winning smiles, lent additional attractions to the occasion….[Cleburne] dwelt earnestly upon the monarchical and tyrannical tendencies of the new organization….We had a plentiful and substantial dinner, and universal good humor prevailed.

 

Although Cleburne lacked Hindman’s oratory skills, the crowds were impressed at his earnestness and “crowded around him to drink in every word he said”. The Democratic Star reported that the speech was “one of the most interesting and telling speech[es] we ever listened to.” The most important aspect of Cleburne’s speeches was his argument that “legislation aimed at foreigners, including Irishmen, was… unconstitutional—an argument that had particular poignancy presented as it was in a mild Irish lilt”. On this aspect, Dr. Nash recalls, Cleburne “had a great influence with the Irish and carried their vote unanimously for the democrats”. Among all the speakers, though, Hindman labored the hardest and was praised the most for his performances. Weather it was helping to establish new associations in Arkansas or arousing “Democrats who had previously manifested but little interest in political matters”, Hindman was at the forefront of the action with “brilliancy of intellect”. Dr. Nash noted that taking “the condition of things as they were, it was a timely opportunity for the advent of a man such as Hindman, with daring bravery, forcible speech and eloquent language. These combinations Hindman possessed in an eminent degree.” In him, the democrats found a willing leader, for he “was more than a match for any man the know nothings could bring against him”. (17)

                In September, while Hindman and Cleburne were campaigning in Marianna, a number of citizens in Helena contracted the yellow fever from sick passengers of a steamboat from New Orleans. Doctor Nash noted that as “soon as the news spread of the advance of this fever, all who could get out of town fled to the country for safety, leaving only a few to take care of the sick and bury the dead.” The few referred to consisted of Helena’s three doctors, Dr. Grant, Dr. Jacks, and himself. After eleven long days in which they labored to curb the advance of the illness, Dr. Grant fell ill. Despite efforts to enlist help, “a complete panic had struck the citizens” and no help came to the two doctors. Thankfully, though, Hindman and Cleburne, who learned of the epidemic upon their return from Marianna, arrived in town and immediately began to help them. Dr. Nash recalled:

 

There never will be three persons who braved every danger and made more personal sacrifices than the three young philanthropists named above. They made their rounds day and night, doing all the labor of women consistent with modesty and decorum. They went to the bakery and with their own means purchased bread, made tea and soups with their own inexperienced hands, and performed all kinds of menial labor. If in this contest one deserved more praise than the other, the mantle should fall on the young preacher’s shoulders. He would take his little pocket Bible with him wherever he went, read a chapter, sing a hymn, and deliver a short prayer…There is no doubt but many souls were saved at the eleventh hour by the spiritual comfort he was able to give them. There were no battles in our late war in which Arkansas’ two prominent generals showed more courage and self exposure than in this…In this instance the air was charged with the deadly bullets from a million batteries—yellow fever germs. The characters in this drama, Cleburne and Hindman, distinguished themselves on bloody battle fields, and their memories have gone down in a sheen of glory… 

 

On October 3, eighteen volunteers arrived in town and formed a relief committee, with James Crary as chairman. By October 10, the fever had subsided considerably, following several heavy frosts, and people returned to town. The relief committee member’s contributions were not forgotten, as the editor of the Democrat Star soliloquized: “They have proved themselves friends to the sick and the dead, the poor and the needy, and to the widow and orphan.” As soon as the epidemic was over, Hindman and Cleburne were back on the campaign trail. (18)

                On the 22 and 23 of November, the Philips County Democratic Association hosted a huge rally outside of Helena at the foot of Crowley’s Ridge. The celebration opened with a brass band, which Cleburne had procured from Memphis, leading the procession from town to the selected sight, aptly named Camp Jefferson. The Stars and Stripes flapped in the breeze, cannons boomed from several steamboats on the river, and tables were covered with meats, breads, cakes, pickles, and beverages. Hindman, the coordinator of the event and keynote speaker, received a flag from the ladies of Helena. On a white field was a spread eagle, surrounded by the words, “Arkansas Democrats: The Old Guard Never Surrenders.” Hindman promised that the banner would not “ falter or retreat or lay down their arms until Know Nothingism was extinct and Democracy everywhere [emerged] triumphant.” On the second day, Senator Sebastian, Gideon Pillow, and others addressed the people, who were estimated to number as many as 10,000, and the celebration ended at the Commercial Hotel with a fine supper and ball. The next morning, the Democrat Star printed several original songs that the Philips County Democrats had composed for the event. One was sung to the tune of “Old Virginia” and ran thus:

 

O have you heard the news of late,

How Sam got whipped all ‘round

In ev’ry true blooded Southern state,

We’ve run him under ground.

So carry him back to Yankeeland,

He can’t hide here any more;

His tyrant code finds no demand,

Upon our southern shore…

To prove we’re not Americans,

He turned his footsteps south;

But we’ll send him home with empty hands,

And his fingers in his mouth.

So carry him back to Yankeeland,

We loved our homes before,

The patriot’s fire need not be fanned,

Upon our Southern shore.

 

Another song titled “Invitation” which appeared in the newspaper, reproving the Know Nothings dislike of immigrates, was doubtlessly influenced by Cleburne, if not written entirely by him.

 

We will not spurn for this free land,

The stranger, weak and worn.

Who seeks like a bird with drooping wing,

Shelter from wind, and storm;

He flies to this, our far famed shore,

As a home for the poor oppressed,

We’ll not thrust him back with scorn,

To seek elsewhere for rest. (19)

 

In December, Judge Hanly was appointed to the state Supreme Court. Therefore, on January 22, 1856, Cleburne, having completed his two years of study, was enrolled as a member of the bar, by the motion of James Crary and the Circuit Court.

Helena had an extraordinary amount of lawyers for its size. But arguments which arose between settlers over land deals and the cases of shootings and stabbings in that frontier town were always enough to keep them in business. With five law partnerships and six independent firms in Helena, it was a daunting task for Cleburne to make a name for himself. That month, the firm of Alexander & Cleburne was established, announcing, in a newspaper, to “attend all the courts in the first circuit of this State, and the various courts in the western counties of Western Mississippi.” Although of relativity small importance, Cleburne‘s first case drew quite a crowd. His client, a wealthy widow, wished to eject an equally wealthy tenant from her land. Representing the tenant was Charles Adams, a former judge and seasoned lawyer whom Cleburne regarded as a mentor in things concerning law. In his opening arguments Cleburne began, with his usual force and emphasis, by trying to invalidate the testimony of the defendant.  He closed his speech with a direct appeal to the jury on his client’s behalf by saying that the tenant should have had more respect for the widow, than to drag her to court to defend her rights. After this eloquent plea, everyone in the room thought that the young lawyer had just won his first case. However, as it turned out, this “was a case where Adams thought prudence was the better part of valor.” Therefore, when Charles Adams arose, he calmly explained that he would never drag a lady into court, but that he did not make the laws, and that it “made no exception in cases of business contracts between men and women”. Next, Adams pulled out a contract which had the widow’s signature on it, along with the names of two respectable witnesses. He asked the widow if she had signed it, to which she replied in the affirmative. Adams then showed the widow the part of the contract which she had overlooked at the time of her signing and explained that, no matter how ignorant of the law she may be, she could not avoid it. When Cleburne objected to this, Adams, smiling, said that he disclaimed any intention of wounding anyone’s feelings over the matter. The jury ruled in favor of Adams’ client and Cleburne left the courthouse, resolving to read the technical language of contracts more carefully next time and not to rely entirely on the basis of fairness. (20) 

                Years after the war, L.H. Mangum, a former law partner of Cleburne’s, summarized his career in that profession:    

 

While Cleburne was not a brilliant lawyer [not a Princeton graduate] he had all the elements of success and distinction in his profession. His reading was careful and extensive, his application constant, his judgment clear, and his earnestness always a marked characteristic of the man clothed him with real ability. He was scrupulously honest and upright, stood well among his brother lawyers, and commanded not only a good practice but a wide and deep respect among the people. (21)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

                                 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sources

 

1: The Lion of the South: chapter 2 page 21

2: Ibid: chapter 1 page 2

3: Ibid: page 4

4: Ibid: page 5

  : Ibid

  : Ibid

5:  Biographical Sketches: page 58

6:  Ibid: page 59

7: Ibid: page 87

8: Pat Cleburne Confederate General chapter 3 page 24

9: Biographical Sketches: pages 60-61

10: Ibid: page 73

    : Ibid: page 74

    : Pat Cleburne Confederate General chapter 3 pg 25

    : The Lion of the South: chapter 1 page 14

11: Ibid: chapter 2 page 24

    : Ibid

12: Pat Cleburne Confederate General chapter 3 page 25

13: The Lion of the South: chapter 2 page 26

    : Ibid

    : Ibid pg 27

14: Stonewall of the West: chapter 2 page 38

    : Biographical Sketches: page 89

    : Ibid

15: Ibid: page 93

    : Ibid: page 92

    : Ibid: pages 92-93

    : Ibid: page 93

    : Ibid

16: The Lion of the South: chapter 2 page 29

17: Pat Cleburne Confederate General: chapter 3 pg 29

    : Stonewall of the West: chapter 2 page 39

    : Ibid

    : Ibid

    : Biographical Sketches: page 89

    : The Lion of the South: chapter 2 pages 29-30

    : Biographical Sketches: pages 75-6

    : Ibid: page 74

18: Ibid: page 53

    : Ibid: page 54

    : Ibid: pages 54-55

    : The Lion of the South: chapter 2 page 33

19: Ibid: page 30

    : Ibid

    : Ibid: page 31

    : Ibid: page 32

20: Stonewall of the West: chapter 2 page 40

    : Biographical Sketches: page 82

    : Ibid: page 81

21: Pat Cleburne Confederate General: chapter 3 page 34